Today NLD was right not to register for the election, but that he was also

In an Irrawaddy survey involving more than 500 people in Rangoon, nearly half said they do not intend to vote in the upcoming election if the main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), does not contest it. The Irrawaddy recently asked 520 Rangoon residents, both men and women, between the ages of 20 and 70, if they will vote in the election, even without the participation of Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD. Two hundred and fifty-two persons (48 percent) said they did not want to, while 198 persons (38 percent) said they will vote even if the NLD does not participate. The remaining 70 declined to answer or said they had not yet made up their minds. “I only support the NLD,” said a 54-year-old construction engineer. “I voted for the NLD in the last election in 1990. If the NLD doesn't compete in this year's election, I won't have any party to vote for. I am not going to cast my ballot.” A 30-year-old woman said that she will not vote in an election without an NLD presence as she knows Suu Kyi's party alone. She said that she does not know any other party and is not interested in them. “The election will be meaningless without the NLD,” said a student from the Government Technical College. “All other parties contesting the election consist of people favorable to the regime. So, I am not going to vote.” A majority of those who said they will not vote without the NLD participating thought the party had made the right decision in not registering for the election. Some said they had made the decision not to vote as a means of boycott, because they respect the NLD viewpoint and decision. “I don't think the election will be successful if many people, like us, do not vote,” said a 28-year-old taxi driver. “People need to join hands and they shouldn't go to the polling station.” Those who said they will still cast their ballots in the election, with or without NLD participation, had different reasons for doing so, according to our survey. “As a civil servant I have no choice but to vote. I won't be happy if the NLD doesn't compete in election and I will have to choose another suitable party and vote for it, but not the USDA [Union Solidarity and Development Association],” said a 53-year-old office worker. He added that the regime will force civil servants and military personnel to vote in the election, and could also arrange to mark their ballots the way it wanted. “If I don't go to vote, the authorities will get the chance to use my ballot,” a female trader said. “I can't let that happen, so I must vote.” “We should vote because it is our right,” said a teacher in his 60s. “We must express our opinion. Also, [the election] authorities will convert our votes into theirs if we don't use them. I have thought about this and that's why I believe we should all vote.” Most of those in favor of voting despite the NLD absence said they do not favor the opposition party decision not to register. Many said that people should vote in the election because during the 2008 constitutional referendum the election authorities had transformed unused ballot papers and advanced voting ballots into “Yes” votes. A 40-year-old businessman told The Irrawaddy he has yet to think about whether he will cast his ballot in the coming election, as there will be no NLD candidate. He said that he will make his decision based on the political situation at that time. “The political situation is changing all the time,” said an elderly man. “It will keep changing, so I can't say yet if I am going to vote.” He said he believes the NLD was right not to register for the election, but that he was also concerned that NLD members would be driven out of politics due to the dissolution of the party, which would be a great loss for the people of Burma. “The NLD is the party that was elected by the people,” said a retired headmistress. “I don't like the way the NLD members made the decision not to register for the election by themselves. I think they didn't pay attention to public opinion. People want the NLD to contest the election and they will vote for them. The NLD would surely win again if genuine elections were held.

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Myanmar in elections Running Aung San Suu Kyi's against NLD

Aung San Suu Kyi's against NLD running in elections The Nobel Laureate denounces "unjust rules" that prevent a free and fair vote. Recently, the military regime issued a series of rules that in reality exclude her from running and prevent her from voting. The opposition leader, however, leaves the party "free to choose” according to democratic principles. Yangon (AsiaNews / Agencies) - Aung San Suu Kyi is opposed to the registration of the National League for Democracy (NLD) party in the Electoral Commission, in short preventing it from participating in the general elections scheduled to take place between October and November 2010. The leader of the opposition - according to her lawyer - denounces the military junta’s issuing of "unjust rules”, which prevent her from voting or being elected. Nyan Win, the lawyer for the Nobel Laureate, explains that his according to his client "the NLD should not even think about whether or not to participate in the elections”, the date of which has not yet been set by the junta. However, continued the lawyer, Aung San Suu Kyi will leave it to "the party to decide" whether to participate under the conditions dictated by the military dictatorship. During the meeting that took place today at her home, where she is serving a sentence of 18 months of house arrest, the "Lady" explained that "I'm not giving instructions to the party or the people. They are free to make their decision based on democratic principles. " Aung San Suu Kyi has spent 14 of the last 20 years in custody. The punishment was extended last summer, because the opposition leader was accused - in May 2009 - of "hosting" a U.S. citizen at her home in violation of her detention. A story many see as a "pretext" to impose a new sentence and to exclude her from the general elections of 2010. Analysts point out that the "credibility" of the forthcoming elections in Myanmar is very poor. However, the absence of the main opposition party - the NLD - would be even more damaging for the country. According to the electoral law, enacted in recent weeks by the military leadership in power, Aung San Suu Kyi can not compete or vote because she has been “criminally charged”.

Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said Myanmar We are not in a position to say this was a good decision or

YANGON, April 1 (AP) - (Kyodo)—Indonesian Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa said Thursday he told Myanmar Prime Minister Gen. Thein Sein that "inclusivity, openness and transparency are important" in the process of holding elections. Speaking to reporters in Yangon after their meeting in Naypyitaw, Myanmar's administrative capital, Natalegawa said he had shared Indonesia's experience in making the transition to become the world's third largest democracy, hoping it would be useful for Myanmar in its own democratization process.
He said Indonesia wants to see Myanmar hold an election that is "open, free, fair, credible and inclusive," adding that those are the same things that the Myanmar government itself has said in the past that it wants. "They have said it and we hope it will be the case," he said. Natalegawa's remarks follow the recent announcement by Myanmar's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy led by detained pro-democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, that it will boycott the upcoming general election, which is to be held later this year for the first time in two decades. "We are not in a position to say this was a good decision or bad decision, only they know better so we are not going to second-guess it." But he said Indonesia hopes the election will be a problem-solving one in which everyone in the country who can contribute to Myanmar's development, stability and prosperity can participate. "We are very keen to ensure that the election is inclusive, is participatory, and that the implementation of the laws does not exclude anyone," he said. "All we are hoping for is the open commitments by Myanmar." Myanmar's military junta recently enacted election laws, one of which would require the NLD to prevent Suu Kyi from participating in the election, a move which sparked harsh criticisms both from inside the country and abroad. Natalegawa, who arrived in Myanmar on Tuesday, also met with his Myanmar counterpart Nyan Win in Naypyitaw on Wednesday.

Asia Society’s Task Force on Possibilities for Burma/Myanmar

NEW YORK – On March 31 The Asia Society released its two-part report on political and economic conditions in Burma; prospects for change in that country; an assessment of present and future US policy; and Asian perspectives on Burma. The entire package can be accessed at and merits close reading. The reports were the work of the Asia Society’s Task Force on “Current Realities and Future Possibilities for Burma/Myanmar,” co-chaired by retired General Wesley Clark and former USAID Administration Henrietta Fore. US policy is the focus of one publication. Apart from a situation analysis and policy recommendations, it offers two appendices of particular value: an extensive analysis of the new Burmese constitution, and a catalogue of US sanctions on Burma. The second publication is a compilation of reports from roundtable discussions at nine partner institutions in the Asia-Pacific region, in Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. This comparative exercise is eye-opening, particularly for Americans. In the US policy community, international coordination on Burma is an unquestioned good, but the assumption is often that greater coordination will move other countries closer to the US viewpoint. The Task Force Asian reports instead suggest a multiplicity of approaches and views on the Burma situation.

The US policy report lays out a three-stage policy. Stage 1 presents a gameplan for the present situation, with a complication that did not make the publication deadline: yesterday the National League for Democracy announced it would not participate in the planned parliamentary elections this year. This raises obvious questions for US policy, which has placed theNLD at the center of policy for two decades. The report recommends pushing engagement to reasonable limits in Stage 1 but “The National League for Democracy should continue to be a focal point of US policy support…” At the roll-out event, Clark maintained that the NLD should remain the US focal point as a democratic mainstay in Burma, if not a formal party - under the new Burmese constitution, any party that does not participate in the election will be disbanded. The Task Force recommends enhanced humanitarian aid and educational exchange during this phase as a means of building ties with a broader base within Burma. The lead-up to elections could be a time of heightened instability, and the report recommends that the United States urge the Burmese government to seek a negotiated solution with armed ceasefire groups.

Stage 2 assumes that “indications of change on the part of Burmese leadership” are evident. This does not necessarily mean that elections have taken place, but the Task Force does posit one scenario in which elections replace the current military government with “a quasi-civilian government,” a seemingly civilian administration with a strong overlay of military involvement, even control. This interim stage would focus on building economic infrastructure and providing cautious support for reform. Stage 3 would commence “when real progress has been demonstrated on a sustained basis’” and is marked by US assistance to the Burmese government, including Burmese security forces. At today’s roll-out, representatives of humanitarian organizations complained that contact with the Burmese formal structure comes too late in the plan, and some maintained that work with government officials in health and education ministries is possible now and should begin immediately.

Clearly, and as the Task Force leadership freely acknowledges, even the near-term future in Burma is murky and events are not likely to go precisely according to this or any other external plan. However, the point of calibrating policy in stages and predicating assistance on incremental change is to decrease the degree of polarization on Burma in the Washington community, which has thusfar encouraged competing sides to take an absolutist, all-or-nothing approach. That said, analysts of civil-military relations may question if the Task Force model for a transition out of military rule is realistic in a Southeast Asian context. Those processes in Thailand and Indonesia have been difficult, jagged and as yet still incomplete.

That is precisely the point that many of the Asian roundtables make in the second Task Force publication. With the exception of Australia, those reports tend to give more weight to the Burmese military’s reform efforts thusfar and to express more optimism for an election outcome, if only because their expectations are lower. There may also be an implicit warning in these reports, that Burma’s neighbors see the elections as an exit ramp off the past twenty years of isolating Burma. Indeed, many of the Asian reports have a far more calibrated spectrum of possible responses to events in Burma than the US policy report. The Indonesia report wonders whether there isn’t a need to move the international community’s view of Burma “…away from a human rights-based and ‘problem-centric’ view to a ‘peace-centric’ view.” The Thai report is frank in its worry that abrupt political change in Burma could produce internal instability that might spill across borders: “The status quo is preferred if change leads to volatility, turmoil, and violence…” Presenting this variety of views not only identifies differences but may also suggest a division of labor in the international community that could be useful in supporting change in Burma. Clearly, neighboring governments may be more acceptable and effective interlocutors with the Burmese military than the United States.

The comparative report also offers a corrective to Western views of emerging power dynamics in Asia. The China report criticizes US views of Burma’s nuclear intentions; even more interesting is its embrace of a recent report by the International Crisis Group that downplays China’s influence on the Burmese government and maintains that Beijing is only able to extract minor concessions from the regime. The India report will dash the hopes of some US policymakers who believe that New Delhi can be persuaded to press the Burmese regime for change because of India’s status as the world’s largest democracy. instead, India appears to view the situation there largely with indifference. “Not a single credible person has dedicated himself or herself to studying Myanmar comprehensively as a primary interest,” the report insists. “India still accords the lowest priority to its relations with Myanmar among all its immediate neighbors.”

The recent decision by Myanmar’s government to sentence pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi to a further 18 months’ house arrest shows how difficult it is to deal with that country’s ruling generals. Yet the first steps toward a new approach may already have been taken.

The clearest sign comes from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Myanmar is a member. At first, most of ASEAN’s member governments responded mildly to the verdict, expressing their “disappointment” – a stance that reflects the group’s principle of noninterference in fellow members’ internal politics.

But Thai Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya then consulted his counterparts in Cambodia, Indonesia, Singapore, and Vietnam. As current ASEAN chair, he floated the idea of concertedly requesting a pardon for Aung San Suu Kyi.

ASEAN government officials have since met to draft a text. Approval by the association’s foreign ministers may come in September, with ASEAN leaders tackling the issue in October.

Of course, amendments and objections to the draft should be expected. But the pardon request is already significant. It seeks to be finely balanced, respecting the regime’s sovereignty while subtly pressing home the point in unison, as neighboring states. The request would be politely worded, but it would also be an official and public mode of communication, instead of the usual behind-the-scenes quiet diplomacy.

What ASEAN says or does not say will not change things immediately. Cynics might add that even if Aung San Suu Kyi is pardoned, she may yet still be detained on political grounds or face other barriers aimed at preventing her from competing in the elections promised in Myanmar for 2010.

But Western sanctions have not worked, either. Since the 1990’s crackdown, human rights violations have continued, most recently with the suppression of the protests led by Buddhist monks in 2007. The average citizen has grown poorer, even as those close to the junta become ostentatiously rich.

Western sanctions instead paved the way for investments in Myanmar by those with less concern about human rights violations – first by ASEAN neighbors in hotels and other sectors, and more recently by China and India, which are vying for projects and influence in the strategic energy sector. As a result, Myanmar’s generals have been able to play one side off against another.

The game, however, may now be changing. ASEAN’s initiative is a new step forward for the group. While ASEAN rejected previous calls to impose sanctions, or even to expel Myanmar, this step shows that it will not remain inert regardless of what the generals do. Moreover, some ASEAN member countries, like Singapore, have explicitly called for Aung San Suu Kyi to be allowed to participate in the 2010 elections.

The ASEAN effort coincides with two other developments. One is the decision by the United States to reconsider its policy of sanctions, becoming more flexible while remaining true to its values and interests.

Some activists have criticized US Senator Jim Webb’s journey to Yangon to obtain the release of John Yettaw, the American whose actions triggered the charges against Aung San Suu Kyi. But this is consistent with the Obama administration’s policy of seeking a dialogue even with those who are not America’s friends. Such dialogue is vital if Myanmar is to be prevented from possibly pursuing nuclear weapons and rigging elections, à la Iran.

The other development is less obvious. After the court delivered its verdict, the regime halved the sentence and agreed to keep Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest, rather than moving her to one of its worst jails. This may not seem like much of a concession. But the junta seems to be trying to cause less offense.

Consider, too, the junta’s gesture in handing over Yettaw to Senator Webb, and its interaction with the international community on humanitarian assistance after Cyclone Nargis. Might it be possible that the generals in Myanmar recognize that they are in a cul de sac? Could the regime be seeking ways out of its isolation in the run-up to the 2010 elections? Could it welcome dialogue and engagement?

How the generals respond to the ASEAN request will be an important signal of the regime’s intentions. Even if the regime does want to begin talking, sustaining a dialogue will be no easier than has been the case with North Korea.

ASEAN, as the organization of neighboring states, is important to achieving that goal, but US involvement is key, as is inclusion of China and India. They must be pressed to see more than the opportunity for strategic access to energy and other natural resources. Japan, too – still the largest Asian economy and a traditional donor to the region – must also play a role.

A moral but pragmatic community needs to be constructed, with all in agreement on how to deal with Myanmar. Even if, like an orchestra, different countries use different instruments and play different notes, the main theme must be consistent.

If this can be done, the chances of progress in the run-up to the 2010 elections will be strengthened. Success may still prove elusive, but a new game with a greater possibility for success will have begun.

Simon Tay is chairman of the Singapore Institute of International Affairs and a Bernard Schwartz Fellow at the Asia Society.

UN and US 'Respect' NLD Decision not to participate in a general election31/03/10

The United States and the United Nations on Monday said that they respect the decision taken by Burma's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), not to participate in a general election this year.

Referring to a statement made by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon last week, his spokesman, Martin Nesirky, told reporters at the UN headquarters in New York that the international community would need to respect any decision that was taken by Aung San Suu Kyi and her party with regard to the election. “But clearly, what he [Ban] has also said is that, if the election is to be considered credible and fair, it needs to be as inclusive as possible,” the spokesman said. The UN secretary-general expressed his concerns and expectations in this regard last week when he convened the Group of Friends on Myanmar [Burma], he added.

At the Foggy Bottom headquarters of the US State Department, Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs P J Crowley said the Obama administration respects the NLD’s decision. “That was a decision for the NLD to make, and we think it’s regrettable that this is a reflection of the unwillingness of the government in Burma to take what we thought were the necessary steps to open up the political process and to engage in serious dialogue with not only key figures like Aung San Suu Kyi, her political movement, others, as well as the various ethnic groups that want to have a say in Burma’s future,” Crowley said in response to a question.

Last year, the US government adopted a new policy of simultaneous engagement and sanctions on the military regime, following which it had two rounds of discussions with the Burmese junta to date. “We offered our views on that,” Crowley said. “We think it is inadequate and disappointing. I’m not aware that we’ve had further direct discussions with Burma since then. I wouldn’t rule those out in the future. But we obviously think that the electoral law, as it was announced by Burma, is not the right way to go,” he said.

The US State Department official said the Obama administration believes that this is an opportunity lost in terms of Burma’s ability to demonstrate that it is willing to contemplate a different course of action on a different relationship with its own people and other groups within its borders. “That will remain our view and that will be something that we will be talking to Burma about, and we’ll deliver that clear message when it’s appropriate,” he said.

Meanwhile, the Washington-based US Campaign for Burma, a leading coalition of Burmese activists in exile and American human rights campaigners, on Monday announced it supports the NLD decision to boycott the election. “This is a courageous call by the NLD leaders and I am very proud of them,” said Aung Din, the executive director of the US Campaign for Burma. “They all choose to continue to stand together with Aung San Suu Kyi and all political prisoners, as well as the people of Burma by rejecting the regime’s sham election. They made history,” he added.

Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith, Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition party told ABC Radio.

SYDNEY, March 30 (cripdo) - Australia said Tuesday that elections in Myanmar would only be fair if Aung San Suu Kyi's opposition party can take part, and said meaningful change in the military-run state was now doubtful.

The National League for Democracy has refused to register for the vote expected later this year, after the military junta introduced a new election law that would have forced it to oust its detained leader.

"I don't believe that any election without the National League for Democracy can be a full, free and fair election," Australian Foreign Minister Stephen Smith told ABC Radio.

Smith said the new election law made it difficult, if not impossible, for the NLD to take part in the election with Nobel Peace laureate Suu Kyi as its leader.

"Unless something fundamental or substantial changes, regrettably I think it does put paid to what slim prospects we had, hopeful prospects we had earlier this year that we might make some progress on the democracy front in Burma (Myanmar)," Smith said.

Under the controversial legislation, the NLD could only have taken part in the elections if it had parted ways with Suu Kyi, because she is serving a prison term.

But by not registering, the party now faces dissolution under the legislation.

The democracy leader, who has been locked up for 14 of the past 20 years, had already told the party she was opposed to its participation in the much-criticised vote.

(Hot Nws)Burma's main opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), says it will not take part in the country's first polls in two decades.

Suu Kyi's NLD party to boycott Burma election An NLD spokesman said the party had decided not to register because of "unjust" electoral laws.

The laws recently announced by the junta required the NLD to expel its detained leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, because she has a criminal record.

Its refusal to register means the NLD will no longer be legally recognised.

No date has been set for the elections, but the military has pledged to hold them this year.

The NLD won the last elections in 1990 but was never allowed to take power.

The BBC's South East Asia correspondent, Rachel Harvey, says the party's decision to boycott the coming election, rather than ousting its charismatic leader in order to participate, was largely expected.

But the move will do nothing to ease international concern about the country's already heavily-criticised political standards, she adds.

No compromise

The NLD's decision followed a meeting of more than 100 party members in Rangoon.

NLD spokesman Nyan Win said the party had agreed that it could not participate in the elections under the new laws, which were announced in early March.

BURMA'S ELECTION
Constitution: 25% of seats in parliament reserved for the military
Constitution: More than 75% approval required for any constitutional change
Election law: Those with criminal convictions cannot take part - ruling out many activists
Election law: Members of religious orders cannot take part - ruling out monks
Election commission: Handpicked by Burma's military government
"After a vote of the committee of members, the NLD party has decided not to register as a political party because the election laws are unjust," Reuters news agency quoted him as saying.

The decision did not come as a surprise - last week Nyan Win said Ms Suu Kyi had told him the party should "not even think" of taking part in the polls because of the nature of the election laws.

If the NLD had chosen to take part, it would have implied its acceptance of the military's constitution - something it has so far refused to do.

Some senior NLD leaders had argued the party risked rendering itself irrelevant if it chose not to contest the polls, even though that participation would be constrained by the military.


Aung San Suu Kyi had indicated that she opposed her party taking part
Win Tin, a veteran NLD member and one of Burma's longest-serving political prisoners, described the meeting as a "life-or-death issue".

"If we don't register, we will not have a party and we will be without legs and limbs," he said ahead of the announcement.

But Tin Oo, the party's recently-released deputy leader, said that the decision did not signal the end for the NLD. "There are many peaceful ways to continue our activities," he said.

The new election laws have been condemned by the UN, US and UK, among others.

The laws state that parties cannot have any members with criminal convictions - which rules out many top NLD leaders who have been jailed because of their political activism.

The laws also ban members of religious orders and civil servants from joining political parties. Buddhist monks were the driving force behind anti-junta protests in 2007.

Critics say both the election laws and the constitution under which the elections will be held are designed to ensure that the military retains a firm grip on power in Burma. null

Senior members of the detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy Party attend the party's central committee meeting at the party's headquarters Monday, March. 29, 2010,

Mixed reaction to Myanmar opposition party boycott..
YANGON, Myanmar — Many residents of Myanmar's largest city Tuesday greeted a decision by the party of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi to boycott elections with rousing approval but others blamed it for leaving them with little choice in the military-organized balloting.

In a bold gamble, the National League for Democracy on Monday decided to opt out of the country's first election in two decades, following the lead of the detained Nobel Prize laureate who had earlier denounced the laws guiding the election as undemocratic.

The decision, approved by an unanimous vote of the 113 executive members, spotlights the question of the polls' credibility. The NLD won the most parliamentary seats in the last election in 1990, whose results the military refused to honor.

"It is devastating that the NLD has chosen to boycott the election. Who should I vote for when the election comes?" said a 46-year-old university teacher Myint Myint Thein.

But others approved of the decision.

"(Suu Kyi) is our icon and our leader and she is the only person who can reflect the feelings of the public. We are with her and we support her decision," said a 55-year-old nurse, Khin Zaw.

The NLD earlier denounced the election laws, noting their provisions would bar Suu Kyi from participating, or even being a member of the party she helped found 22 years ago in the wake of a failed popular uprising against military rule.

"We will continue to pursue, through peaceful means, democracy and human rights with support, understanding and assistance from the people, ethnic nationalities and democratic forces," said party vice chairman Tin Oo.

Although the boycott will probably mean the end of the NLD since parties who fail to register for the election are to be dissolved, the boycott could also undermine the junta's claims that the election represents a step forward in its "roadmap for democracy."

"The majority of the people will follow the decision because of their deep respect for (Suu Kyi), and the legitimacy and credibility of the elections will be thoroughly undermined," said Thakin Chan Tun, a retired ambassador and veteran politician.To Myanmar with Love: A Travel Guide for the Connoisseur (To Asia with Love)

The election date has yet to be announced, and the lineup of the contesting parties is still unclear. But it appears the military will field a party against a number of small ones, some of them pro-military.

"I think the NLD has made a major blunder by not contesting in the election. We are all set to vote for NLD candidates and now we are left without any choice," said Mie Mie, a jewelry shop owner.

Cho Cho Kyaw Nyein, general-secretary of the recently formed Democratic Party, said the best way to serve the people and country was to get as many opposition seats as possible in the new parliament.

The reaction of the international community, which has already expressed doubt over the fairness of the polls, could be crucial in determining whether the election will proceed smoothly. The junta hopes holding the vote will ease pressure for political reforms and accommodation with the country's pro-democracy movement.

At the same time, the party risks being further marginalized. It has been the focal point for opposition to military rule, even though it has faced fierce repression. If it loses its status as a legal party, it may face tighter restrictions.

U.S. State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley told reporters that U.S. officials "understand and respect" the NLD decision. "This is a reflection of the unwillingness of the government in Burma to take what we thought were the necessary steps to open up the political process and
to engage in serious dialogue," Crowley said.

Senior members of the detained pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy Party attend the party's central committee meeting at the party's headquarters Monday, March. 29, 2010, in Yangon, Myanmar. The party was meeting Monday to decide whether to participate in the first election in military-ruled Myanmar in two decades, the party spokesman said. A senior party member called it "a life-or-death" decision. (cripdo Photo/Khin Maung Win)Myanmar (Burma) (Country Guide)

29/Mac/2010 ,Today NLD party is the last struggle for the future of our country on this day when what has been decided not to contest the 2010 elections in Myanmar

YANGON, March 29 (CRIPDO) -- The National League for Democracy (NLD) of Myanmar Monday unanimously adopted a decision not to re- register for taking part in the coming government-sponsored multi- party general election planned for this year, said party spokesman U Nyan Win.

With its leader Aung San Suu Kyi, NLD General Secretary, 64, still under 18-month house restriction, the NLD made the decision at a special meeting held at its headquarters in Yangon and participated in by 113 executive committee members from its party branches based in 14 states and divisions except Kayah state.

U Nyan Win said the party rejected re-registration for the reason that the government's electoral laws are "unjust" and "one- sided", claiming that the party needs not get re-registered.

The meeting also demanded the release of its leader Aung San Suu Kyi and a dozen of its members from the central headquarters as well as other "political prisoners" in the country.

According to the new party registration law, enacted by the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) on March 8, if political parties in existence since the 1990 general election fail to re-apply for legal status with the recently-formed Union Election Commission within 60 days to contest for the upcoming polls they would face invalidity or dissolution.

The party registration law is one of the five electoral laws promulgated by the SPDC. The other four are Union Election Commission Law, Parliamentary House of Representatives Election Law, Parliamentary House of Nationalities Election Law and Region or State Parliamentary Election Law.

The NLD remained as one of the 10 legal political parties in Myanmar after the 1990 general election.

However, according to the government's new electoral laws, the 1990 general election has become void, saying that the then election is "no longer in conformity with the new state constitution".

The Myanmar government announced a seven-step roadmap in August 2003 which mainly includes the reconvening of the national convention, drafting of a new state constitution, holding of a national referendum on drafted constitution, sponsoring the general election and formation of a new civilian government to which the state power is said to be transferred.

In line with the roadmap, Myanmar resumed in May 2004 the holding of the long-suspended constitutional national convention, which originally started in January 1993, to continue the constitution drafting process.

The drafted new state constitution was approved in May 2008 by a national referendum and the declared general election is to follow in accordance with the new state constitution.
Mor News

Myanmar leader issues election warning at military parade

NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar (AFP) – Myanmar's junta chief warned Saturday against "divisive" and "slanderous" election campaigning as a senior official said the controversial polls would be held by early November.

Senior General Than Shwe addressed thousands of soldiers at a parade ground in the remote capital Naypyidaw, as he presided over the country's final annual military parade ahead of the vote.

"Improper or inappropriate campaigning has to be avoided, such as slandering fellow politicians and parties in order to achieve election victory," Than Shwe said after inspecting the troops from his open-top limousine.

Decked out in his ceremonial uniform, 77-year-old Than Shwe denounced interference by other countries and said campaigns must avoid "engaging in divisive acts that lead to disunity among nationalities and religions".

Critics have dismissed the polls as a sham designed to entrench the generals' power. Detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is barred from standing and a quarter of parliamentary seats will be nominated by the junta.

The government has not announced a date for the elections but a senior official told AFP the elections -- the first to be held in more than 20 years -- would take place by early November.

"The candidates will get about six months for campaigning after they have registered as political parties. The elections will be in the last week of October or early in November," he told AFP on condition of anonymity.

Parliamentary buildings in the new capital are still under construction, but a official involved in the building said they were 70 percent complete and would be ready by the end of the year.

Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) won 1990 elections in a landslide but the military, which has ruled Myanmar since 1962, never allowed it to take power and Suu Kyi has been imprisoned for most of the last 20 years.

Under election laws announced this month, the NLD would have to expel Suu Kyi in order to contest the polls, but it has not yet said if it will take part and is expected to make an announcement on Monday.

The United States has led international criticism, saying the election laws make a "mockery" of democracy.

Than Shwe defended the elections plans at Saturday's parade, saying that many of the military were once politicians, and that the elections would make them civilians once again.

"They will turn back into politicians and engage in national politics when the time comes for political struggle," he said. "This year's elections represent only the beginning of the process of fostering democracy."

The vote is part of the government's seven-step "Roadmap to Democracy", including a new constitution enacted after a referendum held days after a cyclone ravaged the country in May 2008.

Foreign journalists have been barred from covering Armed Forces Day for the past two years, but the junta granted visas for this year's landmark parade, which marks Myanmar's resistance against Japanese occupation in World War II.

CNN correspondent Daniel Rivers, however, was deported Friday after arriving in Naypyidaw. He had previously been expelled from the country in 2008 over his coverage of the disastrous cyclone.

Suu Kyi is one of more than 2,000 political prisoners held in Myanmar, which remains under US and European sanctions over its human rights record.

Earlier this month, UN rights envoy Tomas Quintana reported that human rights violations in Myanmar may amount to crimes against humanity and could warrant a UN inquiry, a move that was strongly denounced by the junta.

Myanmar election law puts Suu Kyi party in bind

nullYANGON (cripdo) - Myanmar's main opposition party will have to exclude its leader, detained Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, if it wants to continue to operate and run in upcoming elections, under the terms of a law made public on Wednesday.

Under the second of five new election laws, being published gradually in state media, the military government is making Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) and some other parties re-register within 60 days with a new election commission.

Failure to do so means they will have to fold.

But to register, they have to exclude party members who are serving prison terms. That would include Suu Kyi, who has spent 15 of the past 21 years in detention and is now serving 18 months in house detention for breaching security laws.

Many other senior NLD members are among more than 2,000 political prisoners in Myanmar, according to rights activists.

"We find some of the provisions in this law very unfair and completely unacceptable. We feel sure this law will not be conducive to national reconciliation in our country at all," NLD spokesman Nyan Win told Reuters.

Parties wanting to register will also have to give a written commitment to uphold the constitution passed in 2008, which the NLD rejects and campaigned against.

"It's completely impossible for us," Nyan Win said.

Most opposition parties refused to recognise the new constitution, arguing it was drafted by the military regime's handpicked delegates with the intention of cementing the military's grip on power, even after democratic elections.

An election is planned for this year, but no date has been set and the laws that state media started publishing on Tuesday have so far given no hint on timing.

The NLD has not said whether it would run in the election.null

The forthcoming poll has been widely derided as a sham to make the country appear democratic, with the military retaining control over key ministries and institutions.

A separate law published on Tuesday said a Union Election Commission of at least five people would be formed to oversee political parties and organise the vote.

It would have the power to annul polls in places where "natural disasters or security reasons" prevented the vote from being free and fair.

Some analysts said that meant the junta could scrap polls in regions where armed separatists, who have enjoyed de facto autonomy for more than 50 years, refused to take part.

The regime wants ethnic groups to disarm, transfer their fighters to a government-run Border Guard Force (BGF) and join the political process.

UNACCEPTABLE
"The 2008 State Constitution is completely unacceptable, let alone the election laws," said Aye Tha Aung, an ethnic politician and secretary of the Committee Representing the People's Parliament, a loose alliance of Suu Kyi's NLD and ethic parties.

"That constitution will not bring about a lasting democracy in our country even if a free and fair election is held under it. There must be some essential prerequisite for the free and fair election. A constitution acceptable to all and release of all political prisoners are some of these things," he said.

United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon said on Monday he had written to junta supremo Than Shwe expressing concern about the lack of progress on democratic reform.

The U.S. assistant secretary of state for East Asian and Pacific affairs, Kurt Cambell, who has spreadheaded the U.S. government's shift towards engagement with the regime, is visiting Southeast Asia from March 7 to March 17.

Myanmar is not on his itinerary, raising speculation he may not have been offered access to Suu Kyi and others.

U.S. embassy officials in Bangkok said they were unaware of any request for Campbell to visit Myanmar on this trip. (Writing by Alan Raybould; Additional reporting by Ambika Ahuja; Editing by Sugita Katyal)null